Alik Bakhshi
Features of
Jewish national policy
Similar to
the Russian film "Peculiarities of the National Hunt," which vividly
depicts how hunting in Russia should be understood and who ends up as its prey,
Israeli national characteristics also add a unique flavor to the dishes offered
by its political cuisine. The most well-known of these are Israeli-style
democracy, Israeli-style socialism, Israeli-style Jew (a Jewish mother's side
is considered a sweet dish, while a Jewish father's side has a uniquely
bittersweet flavor), Israeli-style marriage, or rather, Paraguayan-style
marriage, or the dish known as "controlled territories" (everything
beyond the green line is controlled, while everything within it is
uncontrolled), Israeli-style justice, and so on. One can't help but mention the
most popular dish of today—the Middle East peace process, whose unique feature
lies in its masochistic application, namely, the process of successively
(unfortunately, at long intervals) applying the toe of the American boot to the
soft spots of the political leaders of the conflicting parties.
Israel's
political course is carried out by two major parties: Labor and Likud (the
Kadima party, a spinoff from Likud due to the political ambitions of former
Likud members, is essentially the same Likud), sharing the same primary goal:
building and defending the state. The difference between these parties is that
Labor's economic policy is based on quasi-socialist principles of governance,
while Likud proclaims freedom of enterprise, privatization of state property,
and the expansion of democracy. It proclaims precisely this, having essentially
made no significant changes to the country's economy during its years in power.
And there are objective reasons for this, stemming from the Likud's political
program. The fact is that the creation of a Greater Israel, Likud-style, can
only be achieved under a socialist system, the closest thing to
totalitarianism, where all levers of control, both political and economic, are
concentrated in the hands of the state. It's no coincidence that the Israeli
version of socialism has been so well suited to the current situation and has
existed virtually unchanged for over 50 years. No spontaneous free market is
capable of creating settlements or even entire "development cities"
exclusively populated by Jews for strategic and political purposes, either
within the Green Line or in the occupied (or, if you prefer, controlled)
territories. Moreover, remarkably, these cities are experiencing the same
unemployment problem as the BAM cities in Russia, once again demonstrating the
futility of arbitrary decisions that take into account only ideological
considerations, not backed by economic feasibility.
The Likud
bloc's core political position is to retain all territories conquered in
defensive wars for Israel, and socially to democratize Israeli society. This is
where the Likud bloc inevitably runs into each time: the impossibility of
democratic reforms without resolving the Palestinian issue. For example, a
necessary attribute of democracy, such as a constitution, is impossible only
for a select segment of the population, and equalizing the rights of the Arab
population of the territories with the Jews is not part of the Likud bloc's
plans.
Considering
the above, Labor's policies have always been more realistic, while Likud
pursued illusory goals that had nothing to do with reality, which adjusted
Likud's policies and forced it to make the only possible decisions, which it
followed contrary to its party program. Hence the fateful decisions of the
Likud governments regarding the ceding of Sinai and the Madrid Peace
Conference, which launched peace negotiations with the Palestinians, the
outcome of which will undoubtedly be the creation of a Palestinian state.
Of course,
the Likud's stated goals reflect the dreams of the majority of Israelis, who
remain trapped in a world of illusions and, due to their inert mindset, are
unwilling to embrace the changes in the political situation in the Middle East,
which had long been an arena for clashing interests between the US and the USSR
over the availability of global oil reserves. The collapse of the Soviet empire
and the Kremlin's abandonment of its political plans to take control of the
Middle East, thereby depriving the West of energy resources, led to a situation
in which America became the sole and sovereign political arbiter of the Middle
East. This was clearly demonstrated by the politically justified Gulf War of
1991 and the completely mistaken current invasion of Iraq, which will bring
America undesirable political consequences. As a result, Washington's task of
achieving stability in the Middle East has become much more complex. In
addition to the Iraqi problem, there is a pressing need to resolve the long-standing
Arab-Israeli conflict—the main culprit behind the September 11 tragedy in New
York (see my article "...and then came the thunder")—a problem that,
like a cancer, is metastasizing across the globe.
Here we come
to the most unpleasant moment for the Israeli right. It is perfectly clear that
America is using every lever of political and economic pressure on Israel to
implement the slogan "peace for territory." The main obstacle to this
development is the bloc of right-wing parties led by Likud, which has nothing
to offer for a solution to the Palestinian problem. Torn apart by internal
party contradictions, Likud could not hold out for long, and its first
concession to American pressure led to its collapse.
Likud and
Labor are going through a difficult period, necessitating a change in
ideological orientation. The Zionist program for statehood has been fulfilled.
Israel is recognized by the international community and even by its enemies.
The time has come to transition to fully democratic conditions within the
state, without which further progress and the normal existence of the state are
impossible, and the Meretz bloc's program best meets these requirements. Labor,
by attempting to resolve the Palestinian issue, is in fact playing into
Meretz's hands. The resolution of the issue of the controlled territories, the
main obstacle to the further development of democracy, will usher in a chain of
democratic reforms that will eliminate state monopolies and thereby undermine
the economic base of the Labor electorate.
The
peculiarities of Israel's political landscape are due to the characteristics of
the electorate, which is quite diverse in social, ethnic, and religious
backgrounds and represented by various parties.
The Labor
electorate is the highest-paid segment of the population, employed in state and
semi-state enterprises, which are represented by monopolies. The income of this
segment of the population is disproportionately high compared to the labor
expended, compared to the significantly lower incomes of private sector
employees, whose work is more difficult and socially less secure.
The
Socialist Party has spawned a host of party officials and functionaries who
enjoy a kind of sinecure with a lifetime allowance. All state institutions are
built on the same principle. Recall how unsuccessful Barak's attempt to retire
a handful of party functionaries was. It seems that maintaining material
well-being is more important to the majority of the Avoda electorate than party
ideology, and if they are deprived of their sinecure and all kinds of social
privileges, they might end up in the opposition tomorrow.
The Likud
electorate consists primarily of people working in private business, which also
includes the majority of immigrants from the former Soviet Union. It's
noteworthy that the majority of Russian repatriates, former members of the
Soviet intelligentsia, hold right-wing political views, unlike the Israeli
intelligentsia, and indeed the rest of the world, which already gives rise to
some reflection. (See my article "Baggage from the Empire.") Why did
people who experienced national oppression, who understand the essence of
totalitarianism and have been schooled in double standards, find themselves
here in Israel and accept as axiomatic the idea of the superiority of Jews over
Palestinian Arabs? With repatriates of religious views, everything is clear—for them, there are Jews and there
are goyim, who occupy a lower position in relation to God, but when you hear
something like this from an intellectual, it simply doesn't make sense. Or
something else. Once, a highly intelligent repatriate from Riga expressed
outrage at the Baltics' demand for independence, citing their already
comfortable situation in the USSR compared to the Uzbeks, as if freedom could
be measured by standard of living and material well-being. Was it really true
that only a select few were allowed their own state, while Latvians, a quarter
of whom had been rotted by Russian communists in the Siberian taiga, seemed to
have no need for one? One can't help but recall a similar argument (referring
to the pre-Intifada era) that Palestinian Arabs in Israel were no worse off
than the Arabs of Jordan or Egypt, and that their dream of their own state was
simply a whim.
Religious citizens of Israel also
predominantly hold right-wing views, intuitively understanding that peace and
democracy, these two inseparable concepts, will put an end to religious
dominance in the country's public life. The constant presence of the religious
oligarchy in parliament and government can also be attributed to the
peculiarities of Israeli politics. Everything immoral in politics is vividly
demonstrated by the religious faction of the Knesset. The insatiable thirst for
power and money on the part of religious members of the Knesset introduces
elements of an oriental bazaar. The vote-trading alone is worth a look! It's no
wonder that one of the rabbis, the thief Yair Levi, was imprisoned, while
another rabbi, Aryeh Deri, was also imprisoned for a similar "godly"
crime after a seven-year investigation, which nearly sparked a revolt in the
Moroccan community of Israel.
It is
precisely the thirst for power and the desire to prove their worth to voters
that drives rabbis to push through religious laws that contradict democracy.
Only a
constitution that proclaims the separation of religion and state, as is done in
all civilized countries, can free rabbis from their unnatural occupation and
return them to God. The Israelis' casual, even condescending, attitude toward
the constant pressure exerted by religious circles on the rights of the secular
population is astounding. What is taking place is a true dictatorship of the
minority, and herein lies the main danger for the state. Recall historical
examples of dictatorial regimes that came to power entirely legally, relying on
an ideology perceived as the ultimate truth, and the misfortunes they brought
about in the aftermath. It doesn't take a rich imagination to imagine Israel's
future if clerics come to power and, citing the exceptionalism of Jews and
their qualitative difference from the goyim, isolate themselves from all
humanity with an "iron curtain," just as the communists in the USSR
protected the Soviet people from the penetration of alien ideologies. The law
banning the import of non-kosher meat will be followed by a ban on ballet and
pop music, and indeed all forms of art, as the work of the goyim. The only
permitted songs will be psalms, the only musical instrument will be the ram's
horn, and the anticipation of the coming of the Messiah will resemble a
communist, bright future. It's possible that in such a case, the only friendly
country will be Iran. And that will be the end of the state of Israel.
A
significant feature of Israeli political life is its extremely close ties to
the financial oligarchy. Incidentally, the high-profile Lerner case has once
again exposed this connection and, moreover, demonstrated that Israel is a
haven for thieves fleeing the CIS, who are barred from entering Europe and
America. The Israeli police weren't interested in the origins of Lerner's
millions, his flirtations with Knesset members, or his complicated relationship
with the Russian mafia, from which he was protected by a group of bodyguards.
But when Mr. Lerner attempted to open his own bank, he was jailed without
trial. The police chief himself was sent to Moscow in the hopes of procuring
criminal evidence against him. Lerner understood perfectly well that without political
support, he would be unable to break into the banking sector, but he failed to
take into account that Israeli bankers are unwilling to share their profits
with anyone and use the power structures to protect their interests.
Much of the
peculiarities of Israeli political life stem from the absence of the
long-promised constitution embodying the principle of separation of legislative
and executive powers, the adoption of which is primarily hampered by the
Palestinian issue.
In the
aforementioned film, due to the peculiarities of Russian hunting, the
unfortunate cow of one of the hunters becomes the prey. As a result of the
peculiarities of Israeli policy, the State of Israel itself might become a
victim.
July 30,
2004
